My Divergence from Objectivism and Objectivists
I consider myself an Objectivist*, but there are some places where I disagree or, at least, don’t yet agree with Objectivism or with what many/most Objectivists think. I thought it might be fun to make a list of these issues, and maybe I’ll keep this up to date as my ideas grow and might eventually put links in to posts where I explain my views in more detail. Not all of these ideas are dealt with directly by Rand’s work, but for those that aren’t I believe my view differs from that of a significant portion of Objectivists, and that those Objectivists view the issue as an important philosophical one.
- I don’t think metaphysics on its own can tell us very much about cosmology or ontology, even to a greater extent than most Objectivists. For example, I don’t think we can say from philosophy alone whether the universe has finite spatial extent, whether the universe contains empty space or is completely filled with matter, whether instantaneous action at a distance is possible, or whether conscious awareness can play a special role in a fundamental physical theory. I do think all of these questions can be answered, and that many of them have been partially or totally answered by scientific study, but the answers cannot come from philosophy.
- I do not think all generalizations are fundamentally statements of causality. An important class of generalizations are, perhaps the most important class, but statements like “tables are furniture” and, even, “lightning is electrical discharge” are not statements of cause and effect (though they may have to be proven by identification of certain cause-effect relationships).
- I do not see that definitions are as important in the concept formation process as Rand did. I’m not convinced that they’re not as important as she thought, I just don’t see it (yet).
- I think Objectivists are libertarians.
- I disagree with the vast majority of the Objectivist sexual ethic. I think things like pornography (consumption and creation), casual sex, prostitution (selling and buying), non-monogamy both in terms of sexual partners and probably even in terms of life partners, and all sorts of kinks, fetishes, and orientations, even those that I might find extremely painful or disgusting, can all be moral in a wide variety of non-exceptional circumstances. This topic deserves its own blog post, and I just may write it some day.
- I think the gender roles that Rand’s theories of masculinity and femininity try to put people into (both in and out of bed) are rubbish. I think a women can rationally want to be president, that a man can be a primary caregiver, that transvestitism, transsexualism, and all sorts of gender-bending can be completely moral. In fact, I think most of the assumptions in our society about how a person’s genitals relate to their behaviour and preferences are largely fucked up and the fact that we need a concept for, for example, men who wear dresses is largely an indictment of our culture, not an indication about the nature of the behaviour itself. Also, while I do think that in cases of undetermined gender the singular masculine pronouns (e.g. “he”) are more grammatically appropriate than the third-person plural (e.g “they”), I think the word for person is “person” and not “man” and the word for people is “people” and not “men”.
- I think that the government must be the ultimate arbiter of retaliatory force, but not necessarily the only wielder of said force. For example, I think that a private individual who follows the proper procedures (e.g. obtaining warrants from a judge, following the proper limits on search and seizure, using only due force, announcing his presence, etc.) could be able to investigate crimes and even perform arrests. How such a system might work or whether the system would be preferable to the current one is not my point, my point is just that as long as there is a single entity ultimately responsible for determining the justice of the use of physical force the actual force-wielders need not be government agents. In particular this applies to military action: if there is a country where rights violations are occurring on a massive scale but there is no threat to your country or its citizens, I think there should be a path you can take to get together private volunteer forces, get your goals approved, and use force to stop the rights violations in the foreign country.
- I think that the “total war” view on warfare is completely mistaken. While I do think there are limits to the steps the military should take in preventing civilian casualties when attacking military targets, the idea that it’s moral to purposely target civilian centers is abhorrent. I think military actions like Sherman’s march to the sea are viciously unjust, and ideas like “the citizens are responsible for the actions of the government” and “the government couldn’t do what it’s doing without the support of its people” are extremely collectivist and completely ignorant of just how hard it is to change a government, especially a totalitarian one. I definitely don’t think things like building a mosque near ground zero or cheering in the streets after a terrorist attack are as such deserving of a forceful response.
- I don’t think an aesthetic view is fundamental in philosophy, and I don’t agree with Rand’s aesthetics. I don’t disagree with it either, I just don’t really have any views on the issue either way. I don’t get much out of painting, sculpture, architecture, or any other visual arts, and I’ve never understood how a philosophical understanding could deepen my appreciation of the arts I do care about (literature, television, film, theatre, and music).
- I do not think patents and copyrights, when awarded in a proper intellectual property framework (which I think we don’t have today), should have any limits on their duration.
- I think any clear term in a properly signed contract should be enforceable. This includes contracts in which one person makes himself a slave, a person promises to allow another to punch him, etc. How these terms should be enforced is a difficult matter: in the absence of an enforcement clause, I can see a fine or jail until the uncooperative participant allows the contract to be followed. I don’t think it’s reasonable for the courts to have to bear the burden of actually enforcing each term (e.g. holding a person still so the other can punch him), but I don’t in principle have an objection to a court issuing permission to the winner of a breach-of-contract case to use appropriate force himself to satisfy the terms of the contract. I think that if such a system were to be put in place, most contracts would (properly, IMO) include a clause specifying monetary damages in case of breach.
A Preliminary Definition of Libertarian
Friday’s post has stirred up a small bit of controversy in the comments, on Twitter, and on at least one other blog. Right now I’m in an unusual situation for me: I’m pretty confident in my conclusion, but don’t really care at all that other Objectivists disagree with it. All in all, this issue isn’t that important and to me it’s a definite case where agreeing to disagree and moving on to other things is the right way to handle the situation. That being said, one of the comments on my post got me thinking about how I would define libertarian, so I thought I’d give that a shot here. I’m not terribly good at coming up with definitions, and to be honest I haven’t really seen first-hand (because I haven’t really thought about the issue, not because I think there is no need) the strong cognitive need for them in all cases, but this is what I’ve come up with:
A libertarian is a person who believes that the initiation of force has no proper role in human society.*
The measurements omitted from my concept of libertarian include, among others, beliefs about:
- Who (if anyone) should be responsible for enacting retaliatory force?
- What lead the individual to accept his political beliefs?
- What path should we take in getting from our society to a libertarian one?
- Should the abortion of a fetus be considered initiating force against it, or should the prohibition of abortion be considered initiation of force against mothers?
- Should sexual activity between an adult and a young minor be considered initiating force against the minor, or should the prohibition of such activity be considered initiation of force against the would-be sexual partners?
That being said, there are many beliefs which aren’t omitted from my view, including:
- Is an employer who requires working 16 hour days as a condition of employment initiating force against his
employersemployees [Edit 5/10 14:37]? No, not according to libertarianism. - Should there be a welfare system funded by coercion? No, not according to libertarianism.
- Should businesses be bailed out with money obtained by coercion? No, not according to libertarianism.
- Should any sexual activity between fully informed, mentally healthy, consenting adults be considered initiation of force? No, not according to libertarianism.
- Should the fully informed, consensual consumption of any substance obtained through consensual trade or other non-forceful means be considered initiation of force? No, not according to libertarianism.
I’m fully open to the idea that my definition here is lacking or erroneous. I’m completely certain that the concept I have in mind is a valid one, and I’m pretty sure that the concept I have in mind is indeed “libertarian”, but I’d love to hear if anyone has a word that better fits my concept here.
*: For those who aren’t familiar with Ayn Rand’s theory of definitions, a definition does not need to state all of the common characteristics of the unit of the concept, nor can a concept be simply replaced with its definition. So don’t take this to be a mathematical or computational type of definition.
Objectivists are Libertarians
Consider Joseph Stalin, Christopher Hitchens, and Ayn Rand. The three of them are wildly different on so many levels from each other, from their personalities to their jobs to their philosophies and everything in between. Despite this, there is at least one axis along which they share a commonality that distinguishes them from many other people1: religious belief. All three would agree that there is no god and that organized religion is a bad thing. Did they all come to those views for the same reason? No. Would their common belief be enough reason for them to work together for some delimited common cause? Not necessarily. But there is something to be gained in recognizing this particular commonality and, in the right circumstances, treating all three as units of the same group. We know, for a trivial example, that none of these three can be expected to be spending their Sundays in a church. The commonalities these three share are begging for conceptualization, and most Objectivists would readily apply the English word to all three: atheist.
Consider John Stossel, Radley Balko, and Ayn Rand. The three of them are wildly different on so many levels from each other, from their personalities to their jobs to their philosophies and everything in between. Despite this, there is at least one axis along which they share a commonality that distinguishes them from many other people: political belief. All three would agree that the vast majority of activities between consenting adults should be legal and that the current US government acts far out of the bounds of the proper scope of a government. Did they all come to those views for the same reason? No. Would their common belief be enough reason for them to work together for some delimited common cause? Not necessarily. But there is something to be gained in recognizing this particular commonality and, in the right circumstances, treating all three as units of the same group. For example, I would definitely prefer to have any of the them be a legislator over almost anyone that doesn’t share this commonality. The commonalities these three share are begging for conceptualization, but most Objectivists wouldn’t apply the English word to the third: libertarian.
The question of whether Objectivists qua Objectivists are libertarians boils down to two other questions: Is there a valid concept that unities Objectivists and non-Objectivists with similar general political views, regardless of the origin of those views? And if so is that concept the same one referred to by the word ‘libertarian’? I think the answer to both questions is a definite yes. Objectivists and people like Neal Boortz, Milton Friedman, or my brother absolutely have a lot of important political views in common, especially when contrasted with the political views of the average person. That political similarity is fundamental enough to allow for valid generalizations encompassing those who share it to be formed, such as “people who share this set of political views are regularly unimpressed with the offerings of the major political parties”. Moreover, I contend that the group of people who share the political similarity is exactly the group meant when people use the word “libertarian”. This is definitely the case for all the non-Objectivist political blogs, newspaper articles, Wikipedia entries, etc. I read online and all of the real-life conversations I have with non-Objectivists. So why do Objectivists typically have such a big problem with describing themselves as libertarian?
I want to make it clear that I’m not claiming Objectivists should join libertarian organizations or that Objectivists and non-Objectivist libertarians should work together on political activism. I simply don’t know enough about activism or any particular libertarian organization to say either way. Nor do I think that an Objectivist and a non-Objectivist libertarian would agree on every political issue, or that a non-Objectivist libertarian can be expected to be as consistent in his politics or philosophy as an Objectivist. But those concerns do not invalidate the concept “libertarian”, nor do they exclude Objectivists from classification under it.
So, Objectivists who don’t consider yourselves libertarians: What gives?
1: This, by the way, is why “atheist” is a real concept and “agremlinist” or “aunicornist” are not: In a world where (effectively) everybody holds a certain view, there is no cognitive utility in grouping those with that view together.
Minicon Talks!
I just got back from the Atlanta Objectivist Society‘s Mini-Con (which was an awesome time, the subject of a later post), where I gave two talks: one about practical benefits of epistemology and one about regulation in the medical device industry. I recorded both and am posting them here, but I have two disclaimers first: 1. These were informal talks and I make no guarantees about any accuracy. Particularly with the medical devices talk, the particulars I discuss may not be perfect reflections of what actually is in the real world and are more reflections of my memory. 2. I have not edited these, nor listened to them all the way through. Some questions in the Q/A sessions may be difficult to hear; if you want me to try and clarify what was asked at that point give me the time in the lecture and I’ll see if I can remember.
Quick Thoughts on Terms and Conditions
(Note: I am not a lawyer, and this post does not necessarily reflect the state of any current legal system. This is a post about the morality, not the current legality, of a particular type of action)
To the savvy internet user, it’s second-nature: You find a new website requiring login information, you create a new account, put in your details, make sure to uncheck all the boxes allowing them to spam you, and check the box agreeing to the terms and conditions, and move on to using the site. But how many people actually read those terms and conditions? They may be obnoxiously long, written in dense legalese, and grant ridiculous powers to the content provider, but checking that box without reading, understanding, and committing to act in accordance with those terms is morally equivalent to fraud (there is a possible border case if you’re willing to accept their terms without reviewing them and the checkbox doesn’t specify that you have read the terms, but that is a dangerous decision). This is an extremely clear-cut case: the owners of the site have the right to set any terms they wish delimiting your use of their property. You may not like it, you may not want to spend the time needed to read through the contract, and you may not like the terms you find if you do, but your only moral choices are to accept the terms, negotiate new terms with the owner, or decline the use of the site. To make any other choice is to force your desires on the site owner.